Youth and Deviance: how music subcultures get caught up in the war on delinquency
Conceptions of youth deviance have multiple influences that help frame them as problematic. One such influence is the impact Music and its various forms have had on youth and their subcultures. Flowing from the rising popularity of American rock n’ roll in the late 1950s, systematic research into the relationship between music and youth gained traction to the point where ideas of youth expression through music became a cornerstone in sociological research concerning youth (Roe, 1999). Many genres of music since such as jazz and rock ‘n’ roll have continuously been regarded as “a corrosive influence on young and impressionable listeners” (Tanner, Asbridge, and Wortley, 2009:1) and public outcries over their influence have been a fixture in popular discourse. Contemporarily, however, these outcries have been focused on the influence of rap music which has found itself betwixt between enjoying mainstream commercial success, while also harbouring perceptions of violence and delinquency, more pre-eminently so than other genres of music before it (Tanner et. al., 2009). While there are many subgenres in rap music such as ‘gangsta rap’, ‘hip hop’, ‘bounce’, etc. (Reyna, Brandt, and Tendayi Viki, 2009), this essay focuses on the broad relationship between rap music and delinquency. As such, it explores the relationship between rap music and youth, particularly in relation to concepts of deviance; first by outlining the construction of rap music as deviant and then using various themes identified to further examine the issues that they have spawned, and the responses of various segments of society in the aftermath, using the U.S.A as the primary example.
The construction of rap music as associated with deviance relies partly on the ontological aspects of rap music but what pushes it into the primary focus of contemporary discussions of delinquency relies largely on the responses of various social agents to it (Binder 1993). Binder (1993) noted that the lyrics in rap music employed more profane language than genres facing similar critique in earlier years such as heavy metal music, which made it more associable with general notions of deviant behaviour. Citing social responses such as the 1990 legal censoring and declaration of a rap album as obscene by the rap artists ‘2 Live Crew’, she believed that the State’s intervention in this manner allowed for a more explicit targeting of rap music in mainstream society, evident from the resulting galvanization of debate centered around this issue and the fallout such as arrests of video-store owners selling copies of explicit rap music. Furthermore, she believed the specific ways in which media elements, particularly opinionated writers, wrote about rap music helped further differentiate it from other genres and solidify its relationship to deviance. Conducting studies of national newspapers and their readership, she argued that writers from across the political spectrum wrote about rap music as “harmful” (1993:2) to mainstream values, glorifying “anti-authority attitudes” and “deviant sexual acts” (1993:7), and most importantly, contained the writers’ inferences regarding the primary audiences of this music, namely “urban black teenagers” (1993:2).
Despite quoting statistics that showed, in absolute numbers, more white, suburban youth than poor, Black youth as the primary demographic of rap music (although these were based on record sales only), this popular assumption of rap music being consumed predominantly, if not exclusively, by black youths remained prevalent (Binder 1993). In trying to understand why, Binder (1993) outlined one important frame of reasoning present within popular discourse which resulted in the “valorisation” (1993:11) of rap music. This occurred through the combined influence of black-targeted magazines such as ‘Jet’ and ‘Ebony’ which argued that there were salutary lessons of urban life and daily struggles faced by black youths embedded within rap music, and mainstream newspapers such as the ‘New York Times’ and ‘Newsweek’ proclaiming said music as “a fresh musical structure” and “a communiqué from the underclass” (1993:11). As a result, the identity of rap music was solidified in the popular imagination as a form of cultural resistance by predominantly black youths to dominant systems of oppression, with individual rappers seen as status role-models for having achieved commercial success and therefore escaped these daily struggles (Tanner et. al., 2009).
This construction of rap music as deviant outlines various themes for further inspection, namely the role of media and the power of labelling, rap music’s relationship to oppositional subcultures, and the social construction of concepts of deviance surrounding rap music.
Regarding the role of media, Cohen’s (1973) ideas on moral panics offer a foundational context in understanding the power of the media in ascribing deviance onto rap music and furthering its image as a deviant enterprise. In many ways, the examples discussed by Binder showcase Cohen’s ideas of how ‘moral entrepreneurs’ such as the State instigate the process of highlighting particular groups or events as threatening mainstream values, resulting in the media using easily identifiable symbols (in this case, words such as ‘anti-authority’, ‘harmful’, etc.) to propel perceptions of these phenomena as deviant and requiring action against so as to protect others from their influence. While this relationship of binary labelling is skewed in favour of the moral entrepreneurs, the specific effects on adolescent and adult audiences and their responses to these acts also help to influence the overall concept of rap music as inducing delinquency in different ways.
Studies gauging adolescent reactions to music considered deviant have been split; some argue that they perceived said music to relate to feelings of love and often took literal meanings of certain lyrics, while being unable to identify hidden meanings of metaphors (Prinsky and Rosenbaum, 1987; Sousou, 1997) while others have argued that this labelling has helped affirm their feelings of resisting mainstream values (Turner et al., 2009). More importantly however, studies gauging adult reactions have continually shown them to report a high rate of association of these songs with themes of drugs, violence, and sexual lewdity (Turner et. al., 2009). This association meant that the substantive actions taken by adult society were of a censorial nature, where media personalities such as Bill Cosby called on parents to “assume greater responsibility in their children’s education” by not allowing them to internalize these deviant attributes which are the “backbone” of rap music (Archive.boston.com, 2004), and teachers expressed public concern over the high level of access students have to this content (Fox News, 2015). Prinsky and Rosenbaum (1987) added, however, that this adult backlash may have helped to affirm the status of rap music as oppositional to adult and mainstream society and therefore entrenched its cultural appeal to rebellious adolescents, further establishing the perception of rap music as associated to delinquency.
This idea of opposition can be further explored through the second theme related to rap music’s value to different youth subcultures. Roe (1999) contended that popular music has always been an important avenue for young people to express themselves and affirm their self-identities, while Hall and Jefferson (1976) examined in great detail various music-based youth subcultures (Mods, Rockers, Skinheads, etc.) that became representations of opposition to mainstream values largely as a result of socio-economic frustrations faced by them. Similarly, for rap music, ideas of race and class have formed the primary subcultural lens through which its oppositional influence is examined (Tanner et. al., 2009).
Rose (1994) examined the effects of the relationship between producers of rap music and the lived-experiences of their audiences. She viewed rap music as a nuanced juxtaposition of criticism regarding the social institutions that oppress racial minorities while also benefiting off of the same social forces that cause their ills. Due to the perceived demographics of rap music, many rap artists were denied access to conventional performance spaces for their music. Citing a decline in the availability of performance venues, Rose (1994) contended that this crowding out from conventional performance spaces meant that rap musicians would set up shop in spaces such as parks and sidewalks, thus fuelling their image as disruptive in the public eye and reaffirming stereotypes about rap music as being oppositional to mainstream values. Furthermore, when rap music would gain popularity amongst urban racial minority youths for echoing the critique of socio-economic hurdles faced by them, these reaffirmed stereotypes would be associated with them as a social group.
This, however, does not mean that racial minority youths have been the only groups affected by rap music’s relationship to deviance. As noted by Kitwana (2005), rap music’s cultural appeal relied on its message of resistance, one which although perhaps was initiated by racial minorities, appealed to working class youth regardless of race. Kitwana (2005) contended that this appeal, coupled with the intersectional nature (class and race) of rap’s audience, meant that the ambit of societal response to rap was not just limited to racial minority youths. As evident from the rise of white rappers like Eminem and Vanilla Ice, the core message of rap as being an expression of black issues had been expanded upon by using its message of social and economic exclusion and applying it to white working class youths (The Guardian, 2017). However, Yousman (2003) believed that despite these growing fans of different ethnicities, rap music, particularly as a mode of deviance, was still largely associated with black youths. This meant that although various ethnicities would co-opt rap music, whenever there would be any wrongdoing on their part in the public eye, it would be tied back to the negative influence of black culture as the root of rap music (Reyna et al., 2009).
Additionally, Reyna et al. (2009) argued that there were different types of stereotypes that sprung up in response to this association. They contended that rap music’s image as dangerous and associated with black youths was used as a justification to deny them access to public benefits such as healthcare and job opportunities, all the while placing responsibility at their feet for their inability to do so. For example, they found that policy makers were more likely to pass social welfare policies framed as ‘helping the poor’ rather than as ‘welfare’ due to the normative perceptions of the recipients of welfare being seen as lazy and undeserving Black delinquents.
Worth noting however, is the response various racial/working class audiences have had to both; rap music’s message of resistance and its socially constructed association with deviance. Tanner et al. (2009) noted that various studies had shown rap’s audience to be composed of different ethnic backgrounds and their own studies examining preferences amongst youth for listening to rap music showed little variance in reasons based on ethnic lines. However black youths who reported rap as a significant portion of their music consumption, it was found, tended to comprise rap’s core audience and associated it with its message of resistance against social injustices rather than any alternative reason such as preferring the beat, etc. Comparing this to largely exclusive listeners of rap among other ethnicities such as Asian and White youth, it was found that they primarily gravitated towards rap music based on the normative association of it with resistance and a desire to co-opt what they found to be an appealing culture, rather than necessarily identifying with rap music’s core message of racially inclined social injustices. This had different observed effects.
While black youths did identify with this message, the reactions to the language used and the lifestyles of the musicians were mixed (Tanner et al., 2009). Quinn (2010) noted that there was a general admiration for the musicians as entrepreneurial role models however many scorned them for what they saw as a continual reliance on the use of violent language and imagery while also exploiting street culture for their own personal gain. Mahiri and Conner (2003) believed this may be a result of these youths being actively engaged in trying to counter dominant media representations of them as violent and prone to criminal behaviour. Conversely, for Asian and (especially) White youths, Tanner et al. (2009) found that those who affirmed a strong taste in rap music were more likely to be involved in violent and property related crimes, a phenomenon not observed in their Black youth counterparts.
Collectively, these ideas show that an overall representation of rap music as deviant is tied to what is seen as its cultural roots of disenfranchised black youths. Demographically however, this affirmation of disenfranchisement is shared amongst youths of various ethnicities, albeit primarily still tied heavily to their socio-economic class. However, this has had little effect on expanding the scope of rap music’s aforementioned image to include the actions of these various ethnicities, many of whom may be influenced by its image as deviant and therefore engage in criminal behaviour, thus further playing into perceptions of it as dangerous.
These ideas of representations raise questions as to just how much rap music is considered to be a deviant enterprise, especially considering its mainstream commercial success, and form the basis for examination regarding the third theme.
In trying to answer the question of rap music’s commercial appeal, it is useful to first examine how it, as a product, has grown out of the confines of just the music. Blair (1993) examined this phenomenon in great detail. Firstly, to facilitate the interaction between rap artist and listener, advertising played a critical role in spreading the word but also engendering an appeal for the product. The nature of this advertising was thus closely associated with a need for branding, so as to make sure the rap artist and their music had a distinct and physically identifiable look. She contextualized this phenomenon in reference to the Mods subculture that sprung up in the UK and how they used clothing with an intent to showcase their socio-economic frustrations. She noted how various sneaker brands such as Nike and Adidas had their sneakers become objects co-opted by rappers such as ‘Run-DMC’ and ‘Pusha T’ (Complex, 2018) in pursuit of this distinct look. What followed afterwards was an association amongst consumers of articles such as sneakers with rap culture, therefore increasing its appeal amongst rap music’s demographics as physical modes of expressing their affirmation with it. This meant that young people wearing these brands became subject to increased police hostility, as mainstream society associated these articles with gang violence and deviant street culture (Quartz, 2017).
However, the commercial success of these brands, Blair (1993) argued, led to recognition by major companies of the appeal of rap music to young listeners and thus an attempt to incorporate it into their own advertising strategies. This was observable from companies such as Pepsi-Cola and Coca-Cola signing rappers and using their music to promote their products, children’s cartoons such as “Hammerman” (an animated cartoon based on rapper ‘M.C Hammer’) cropping up, and various movie appearances for notable rappers such as ‘Ice T’. It was argued that over time this resulted in a popularized, easy-to-digest version of rap music such as those of artists like ‘Drake’ and ‘Kendrick Lamar’ (Red Bull, 2018) palatable to mainstream audiences without harbouring its supposedly violent ontology. Blair (1993) believed this to be a cause of the debate within rap culture regarding authenticity and whether these mainstream forms of rap music did justice to rap’s cultural roots of resistance against mainstream oppression. In relation to deviance, this debate was important as she argued that what was deemed as popular in the mainstream was a result of the actions of dominant ideological vehicles (media forces praising the success of mainstream rappers and reinforcing their popularity, corporate sponsorships to market products, and advertising campaigns creating a glamorized, consumer friendly image of the rapper). This meant that those forms of rap music that did not align to this image would be pushed to the background as attributes of cultural expression they had previously had were now more associable with mainstream rap music, leaving them to be seen as unpopular and inferior (HipHopDX, 2008). As a result, when discourses surrounding rap music would pop up, they would outline these “underground” forms of rap as not being “family-friendly” for containing things like derogatory language and sexual references (ParentMap, 2017), despite previously mentioned mainstream musicians like ‘Drake’ and ‘Jay Z’ continually using lewd lyrics and imagery in their songs (Johnson, 2017). As such, rap music was seen as a successful enterprise in the mainstream while still being associated with delinquent behaviour (Blair, 1993).
In conclusion, it can be observed that rap music has traditionally occupied a conflicting space in the popular imagination; either as an outlet of deviant behaviour or a legitimate expression of socio-economic frustrations. Regarding the former, the interplay of macro forces such as the media labelling this form of music as deviant due to its supposed profanity and demographics, and the State acting to curtail its influence through legal censors helped cast it into the arena of popular discourse. An examination of its effects on audiences in the aftermath showed the duality of its perceptions; where adult society at large viewed it as deviant and various celebrities and educational forces expressed worry over its perceived negative influence on young people. For young people generally, they either identified strongly with its message or simply enjoyed it as a form of music but perhaps due to the adult backlash were pushed into identifying with it more as a symbol of their resistance against adult society’s values. Investigating the nature of this resistance revealed the close association of rap as a cultural tool for impoverished youths of various ethnicities, similar to many youth subcultures before them. While it largely bases itself around the struggle of black youths against social injustices, other ethnicities such as White and Asian youths also find affirmation within its message. However, much of this experience may actually lead non-Black youths to emulate deviant behaviour in an attempt to co-opt this culture without the rap music itself inducing delinquency, all the while contributing to rap’s normative perception of being dangerous and a negative influence flowing from Black culture. Despite this conflicting identity, rap music continues to enjoy mainstream commercial success. However, its journey to this mantle reveals the work of the same ideological vehicles that paint it as deviant, attempting now to strip it of its original message of resistance and make it more palatable to mainstream audiences and in doing so, making those original forms of resistant rap music more closely tied to ideas of deviance.
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